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DRILL LISTS 



United ■* States -^ History 



A COMPANION BOOK 



"Outlines of Qlpite^ States Historvj." 

\ BY R. HEBER HOLBROOK, 

Vice-President National Normal University, 

LEBANON, OHIO. 

Author of " Outlines in U. S. History," " The New Method, or School Expositions. 
Editor "National Normal Exponent." 



LEBANON, O. 

C. K. Hamilton & Co., Univebsity Bookstore. 

1886. 



DRILL LISTS 



United * States ^ History 



A COMPANION BOOK 



Outliipes of llr^'iieb States Histor\^." 



^^^ ^ BY R. HEBER HOLBROOK, 

J? ^ Vice-President National Normal University, 

LEBANON, OHIO. 

Author of " Outlines in U. S. History," " The New Method, or School Expositions. 
Editor •' National^Naiijiial^ Exponent." 



nm 8 18S5 j 



LEBANON, O. 

C. K. Hamilton & Co., University Bookstore. 

1886. 



Copyright, 1885, R. H. Holbrooi 



PRE FA CE. 



A few years ago, to meet the request of many pupils, I gave 
in '' Outlines in United States History," the result of my efforts 
to bring the study of History from the ruts of memoriter routine 
into the broad field of rational investigation. Continued teach- 
ing since that time, with the special object in my mind of free- 
ing this most important subject from the deadening formaHsm of 
stupid instruction, has revealed new methods of attaining the 
all-imi)ortant end of making the teaching and study of History 
not only exciting and attractive, but a thorough preparation for 
citizenship. 

These new results are mainly exemplified by what I am accus- 
tomed to present as the " Longitudinal Method," as opposed 
to the " Transverse method " of studying and teaching History^ 

This idea was partially in my mind when I presented the 
" Outlines;" but further experience in what has been a practical 
investigation into the pedagogical principles involved in teaching 
this subject, has so developed and systematized the idea as to 
make my methods quite different from, and, I think, much im- 
proved upon, what they were at that time. So great are these 
changes and improvements, I now feel it proper that I should 
again listen to the urgent and repeated requests of my pupils, 
who are now teaching the subject throughout the land, and put 
into something of permanency of form the materials and methods 
now constantly in use in my classes. 

In Part HI, I print '' The Declaration of Independence " and 
** The Articles of Confederation," papers which every teacher of 
History needs, but which I did not print in the '' Outlines." The 
■' National Constitution" will be found in the " Outlines." 

I also print here a most valuable table taken from "The 
American Almanac," a book which every teacher should possess. 

I shall add to the " Drill Lists " in coming editions. 

R. HEBER HOLBROOK. 

National Normal University, 
Lebanon, O, 



co]srTEisrTS 



PART I.— DRILL LISTS. 

No. 1. The Three Eras and Nine Periods, 

No. 2. The First Era: Preparation, 

No. 3. The Second Era : Formation. 

No. 4. The Third Era: Reformation, ------ 

Explorations: 

No. 5. Ancient Explorations, - - - 

No. 6. Middle Explorations, -.--.. 

Modern Explorations, 

No. 7. New World Explorations, - . - - 

No. 8. Oceanic Explorations, - . . . 

No. 9. Continental Explorations, - . - - 

Settlements: 

No. 10. Oldest Settlements, 

No. 11. Colonial Settlements, 

No. 12. Post Colonial Settlements. 

No 13. Governments, - - 

No. 14. Congresses, - - - - 

No. 15. Organization of Confederate Government, 

No. 16. Organization of National Government, . . - . 

Nx). 17. Presidents, - - - - 

No. 18. Political Parties, - - 

No. 19. Wars, - - - - 

Territorial Changes : 

No. 20. Colonial Territorial Changes, . - . - 

No. 21. National Territorial Changes, - - - 

No. 22. TariflT, - . . - . 

No. 23. Financial Panics, - - - 

No. 24. National Banks, - - - 

No. 25. Slavery Enactments, 

No. 26. Temperance Reforms, 

PART II.— METHODS IN U. S. HISTORY. 

Longitudinal History Teaching, 

How to use "Outlines of United States History," - - - - 

How our Nation was Built, - • - 

History Unteaching, - . - . . 

Citizenship. - 

Bv What Authority Does Any One Vote? 

Why Uo We Vote ? 

PART III.— APPENDICES. 

Declaration of Independence, 

Articles of Confederation, - - - - .',;,• 
Qualifications for Voting in each of the Thirty-eight Stales, 



PART I. 

Drill I^lsts 



No. 1—THE THREE GREAT ERAS AND NINE GREAT PERIODS. 

V PREPARATION. (Discovery of America by 

Erikson to Second Continental Con- 
gress ) 1000-1775 

1 - Exploration. (Discovery of America by 

Erikson to Set. Va. at Jamestown.) - 1000-1607 

2^ Colouization. (Set. Va. at Jamestown 

to King William's War.) - - - 1607-1689 

32 Unification. (King William's War to 

Second Continental Congress.) - - 1 689-1 775 

V FORMATION. (Second Continental Con- 

gress to Jackson.) - - - - 1775-1829 
1- Separation. (Second Continental Con- 
gress to Second Treaty of Paris.) . 1775-1783 
3- Organization. (Second Treaty of Paris 

to Washington.) . . . . 1 783-1 789 

3-^ Nationalization. (Washington to Jack- 
son.) ---.-. 1789-1829 

3' REFORMATION. (Jackson to Hayes.) - 1829-1885 
1- Agitation. (Jackson to Lincoln.) - 1 829-1861 
3- Emancipation. (Lincoln to Johnson.) 1861-1865 
3" Re-Nationalization. (Johnson to Arthur.) 1 865-1 885 



Part- 1.— Drill Lists. 



No. 2.—P PREPARATION. (See Page 5.) 

1- EXPLORATIONS. (Discovery of America 

by Erikson to Set. Va. at Jamestown) 1000-1607 
1^ Ancient. (Earliest Times to Discovery 

of America by Erikson.) - - 1000 

2^ Middle. (Discovery of America by 

Erikson to Columbus.) - - - 1 000-1492 

3^ Modern. (Columbus to Set. Va. at 

Jamestown.) ----- 1492-1607 

22 COLONIZATION. (Set. Va. at Jamestown to 

King William's War.) - - - 1607-1689 

1^ Settlement. (Virginia to Georgia.) - 1607-1733 
2^ Extension. (Set. A"a. at Jamestown to 

N. E. Confederation.) - - - 1 607-1643 

.33 PrOYinciation. (New England Confed- 
eration to King Williams' War.) - 1 643-1 689 

32 UNIFICATION. (King William's War to U 

Second Continental Congress.) - 1689-1775 - 

13 Provocation. [By Taxation.] (Importa- 
tion Act to Stamp Act.) - - - 1657-1765 

2^ Co operation in War. (King William's 

War to First Treaty of Paris.) - - 1689-1763 

3^ Co-operation in Councils. (N.E. Con- 
federation to Second Continental Con- 
gress.) 1643-1775 



Formatioti. 



No. 3.-2' FORMATION. (See page 5.) 

12 SEPARATION-Revoliitioiiaiy War. (2d 

Continental Congress to 2d Treaty of 

Paris.) ------ 1775-178:3 

1-^ Declared. (Second Continental Con- 
gress to Declaration of Independence.) 1775-1776 

2^ Enforcetl. (Declaration of Indepen- 
dence to Surrender of Cornwallis.) - 17 76-1 781 

3^ Recognized. (Surrender of Cornwallis 

to Second Treaty of Paris.) - - 1776-1783 

)3 ORGANIZATION. (Second Treaty of Paris 

to Washington ) - - - -1783-1789 

1^ Confedtrate Government Formed 

(Declaration of Independence to Arti- 
cles of Confederation Ratified.) - 1776-1781 

2^ Confederate GoyernmeiitaFailnre. 

(From Articles of Confederuion Rati- 
fied to x\nnapolis Convention.) - - 1781-1786 

8^ Natioaial Governn»ent Formed. (An- 
napolis Convention to Washington.) - 1786-1789 

8^ NATIONALIZATION. (Washington to Jack- 
son.) ------ 1789-1829 

1^ Federalists. (Washington to Jefferson ) 1789-1801 

2'' Anti-Federalists. (Jefferson to Mon- 
roe.) _----- 1801-1817 

3^ National Republicans. (Monroe to 

Jackson.) . . . - - 1817-1829 



Part I.— Drill Lists. 



No. 4.-3' REFORMATION. (See Page 5.) 

1^ AGITATION. (Jackson to Lincoln.) - - 1829-1861 

1^ Democrats. (Jackson to Harrison.) - 1829-1841 

23 Whigs. (Harrison to Taylor.) - - 1841-1850 

3^ Free-Soilers. (Taylor to Lincoln.) - 1850-1861 

22 EMANCIPATION. (Lincoln to Johnson, to 

Fall of Sumter.) ... - 1861-1865 
1^ Secession. (Inauguration of Lincoln.) March 4, 1861 
2^ Coercion— Civil War. (Fall of Sumter 

to Surrender of Lee.) - - - 1861-1865 

3^ Conclusion. (Surrender of I^ee to John- 
son.) - - - - April 9-April 15, 1865 

3- REORGANIZATION. (Johnson to Garfield ) 1865-1881^ 

1^ Reconstruction. (Johnson to Hayes.) 1865-187 7 

2^ Resumption. (Hayes to Garfield.) . 1877-1881 
3^ Re-Nationalization. (Garfield to 

Cleveland.) ----- 1 881-1885 



Ancient Explorations. 



No. 5.—r^ ANCIENT (EXPLORATIONS). (See page 6 ) 

1^ DISCOVERERS. 

1 5 America Discovered by Phenicians (?) 1 300-1000 B. C. 
2^ America Discovered by Pytheas (?) 340 B. C, 

2^ MOUND BUILDERS. 

1^ Locality— On Banks of the following Rivers and their 
Tributaries, 
i*^ Mississippi. 2^ Missouri. 3*^ Ohio. 

2^ Remains. 

[6 Mounds. 
2^ Ramparts. 
3*5 Enclosures. 

i"^ Dimensions. 
2"' Area Enclosed. 

3^^ Example — Fort Ancient, near I,ebanon, O. 
^ i^ Area Enclosed — 100 Acres. 

2 8 Length of Embankment — Four Miles. 
3^ Size of Embankment — Ten Feet High by 
Twenty Broad. 

3" Tiieories Concerning. 

i^ Icelandic Tradition. 
2 6 Iroquois Tradition. 
3^ Aztec Theory. 

3^ ABORIGINES. 

1^ Of Northern Coast— Esquimaux. 
2^ Of Northwestern Coast— Kaluschi. 
3^ Of Eastern Coast— Indians. 

1*5 Algonquin. 2^ Iroquois. 3*^ Floridas. 



Part I.— Drill Lists. 



No. 6.-2^ MIDDLE {EXPLORATIONS.) (See page 6.) 

1* Chinese. Mexico Discovered by Hoei-shin - - 499 
2 4 Irish and Welsh. 

i^ Chesapeake Bay Regions (Great Ireland) Settled 

by Irish, . . . . . 700-800 

• 2^ Carolinas Settled by Madoc, a Welshman, - - iico 

3* Northmen. 

I ^ Iceland Discovered by Naddod, . . . 860 

2^ Greenland. 

1 6 Sighted by Gunnbjorn, . . _ . 876 
26 Settled by Erik the Red, - - - - 984 

3^ New England. 

1 6 Sighted by Bjarne, ----- ^86 
2 6 Explored by Leif Erikson, - • - 1000 

1^ 53 MODERN {EXPLORATIONS.) (See page 6.) 
No. 7.— NEW WORLD EXPLORATIONS. 

1* New World. 

i^ Discovered by Columbus for Spain, - - - 1492 
2^ Named (1507) from Americus Vespuccius for his 

Discoveries, ------- 1499 

3^ Circumnavigated. 

i*^ First by Magellan for Spain, - - 15 19-1522 
2^ Second by Drake for England, - - 1 577-1 580 

No. 8.— OCEANIC PASSAGES. 

2* Oceanic. 

i^ South East Passage by De Gama for Portugal, - 1497 

2^ South West Passage by Magellan for Spain, .- 1520 

3^ North West Passage by McClure for England, - 1854 

4^ North East Passage by Nordenskiold for Sweden 1879 
3* Continental. (See next page.) 



Continental Explorations. 11 



No. 9.-3^ CONTINENTAL {EXPLORATIONS.) (See page lo.) 

1' North America. 

1 6 Continent Discovered by John Cabot for England 1497 
2*5 Coast Explored from Labrador to Florida, by 

Sebastian Cabot for England, - - - - 1498 

3'^ Gulf St. Lawrence Discovered by Denys for 

France, --.--.. 1^06 

46 St. Lawrence River Discovered by Cartier for 

France, ----._. 1534 

56 Hudson River by Hudson for Dutch, - - 1609 
6^ Florida by Ponce de Leon for Spain, - - 1512 

7*^' Mississippi River by De Soto for Spain, - - 1541 
8® Mexico by Grijalva for Spain, - . - - 15 18 

96 Pacific Ocean by Balboa for Spain, - - 15 13 

10.6 Pacific Coast to Cape Mendoceno by Cabrillo 

for Spain, ------- 1542 

1 1 ^ Pacific Coast to 48° N. Lat. by Drake for Eng- 

land, -------- 1579 

12 6 LTpper Mississippi Discovered by Marquette and 

Joliet for France, . - . . _ iG-jt, 

T3<^ Mississippi Explored from the Illinois River to 

mouth by La Salle, - - - - - 1682 
14*^ Columbia River Explored by Gray for United 

States, ------- iyc)2 

15^ Oregon Territory Explored by Lewis and Clarke 

for United States, ----- iSo6 

2^ 8outll America Discovered by Columbus, - - 1498 



Part I.— Drill Lists. 



22 I' SETTLEMENT. (See page 6.) 
No. 10.— OLDEST SETTLEMENTS. 

1^ Oldest. 

I ^ In New World, at Isabella (Hayti), by Columbus, 1493 

2^ On the Continent, at Darien, by Ojedo, - - 15 10 
3^ In the United States, at St. Augustine, by Melen- 

dez, .------. 1565 

4^ In Western United States, at Sante ¥t, by 

Espejo, - - 1582 

5 5 French Setdement, a.t Annapolis, by DeMonts, 1605 
6^ English Settlement, at Jamestown, by London 

Company, - 1607 

No. 11.— COLONIAL SETTLEMENTS. 

2* Colonial. 

i^ New Hampshire, at Portsmouth, by Mason, - 1623 

2^ Massachusetts, at Plymouth, by Pilgrims, - 1620 

3^ Rhode Island, at Providence, by Williams, - 1636 

4^ Connecticut, at Windsor, by Holmes, - - 1633 

5^ New York, at Amsterdam (N.Y.), by the Dutcli, 1613 

6^ New Jersey, at Bergen, by the Dutch, - - 16.14 

7^ Pennsylvania, at Philadelphia, by Penn, - - 1682 

8^ Delaware, at Wilmington, by Swedes, - - 1638 

9^ Maryland, at St. Mary's, by Baltimore, - - 1634 

10^ Virginia, at Jamestown, by London Company, - I607 

11^ North Carolina, at Albemarle, by Clarendon Co. , 1 662, 

12^ South Carolina, at Wilmington, by " " 1670 

13^ Georgia, at Savannah, by Oglethorpe, - - 1733 



Post Colonial Settlements. 



No. 12.— POST COLONIAL SETTLEMENTS. 

Post ('olonial. 

i^ Vermont, at Brattleboro, by Massachusetts, 
2^ Kentucky, at Boonesboro, by Boone, 
3^ Tennessee, at Wautauga, by Carolinians, 
4^ Ohio, at Marietta, by Cutler, 
5^ Louisiana, at Iberville, by Iberville, - 
6^ Indiana, at Vincennes, by French, - 
7 5 Mississippi, at Natchez, by Iberville, 
8^ Illinois, at Kaskaskia, by French, - 
9^ Alabama, at Mobile, by Bienville, - 
lo^ Maine, at Saco, by Gorges, - - - . 
11^ Missouri, at St. Louis, by French, - 
12^ Arkansas, at Kansas Post, by French, 
13^ Michigan, at Detroit, by French, 
14^ Florida, at St. Augustine, by Melendez, - 
15^ Texas, at Matagorda Bay, by Spaniards, - 
i6''' Iowa, at Dubuque, by Americans, - 
17^ Wisconsin, at Green Bay, by French, 
18''' California, at San Diego, by Spaniards, - 
19^ Minnesota, at St. Paul, by Americans, 
20''' Oregon, at Astoria, by Astor, 
21^ Kansas, at Fort Leavenworth, by Missourians, ■ 
25^ West Virginia, at Greenbrier, by English, 
25^ Nevada, at Carson City, by Mormons, 
25^ Nebraska, at Bellevue, by Americans, 
25-5 Colorado, at West Denver, by Georgians, 



14 Part I. —Drill Lists. 



No. 13.— GOVERNMENTS. 

1' DEPENDENT. (Settlement of Virginia at 
Jamestown to Declaration of Inde- 
pendence,) ----- 1607-1776 

1- Proprietary. (Settlement of Virginia at 

Jamestown to King William's War,) 1 607-1 689 

2' PrOYincial. (King William's War to 

Declaration of Independence,) - 1689-1776 

21 INDEPENDENT. (Declaration of Independ- 
ence to Cleveland,) - - - 1776-1885 
1^ Revolutionary. (Declaration of Inde- 
pendence to Articles of Confederation) 1 776-1 781 
2 2 Constitutional. (Articles of Confedera- 
tion to Arthur,) - - - - 1781-1882 
1^ Confederate. ( Articles of Confedera- 
tion to Washington,) - - - 1 781-1789 
"2^ National. (Washington to Cleveland,) 1789-1885 

No. 14.-C0NGRESSES. 

1. New England Confederation, - - - - 1643- 1689 

2. First American Congress, _ . _ . 1690-1697 

3. North American Confederacy, - - - - - 1754 

4. Stamp Act Congress, - - - - - - 1765 

5. First Continental Congress, - - - - - 1774 

6. Second Continental Congress, - - - - 1 775-1 781 

7. Cenfederate Congress, 1781-1789 

8. National Congress, - - - - - ... 1789-1883 



Organization of Confederate and National Governments. 1 5 



No. 15.— ORGANIZATION OF CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT. 

I. Lee's Resolution of Independence presented June 7, 1776. 
1. Committee on Declaration of Independence appointed June 
10, 1776. 

3. Committee on Articles of Confederation appointed June 11, 

1776. 

4. Committee on Declaration of Independence report Jime 28, 

1776. 

5. Lee's Resolution of Independence adopted July 2. 1776. 

6. Declaration of Independence adopted July 4, 1776. 

7. Committee on Articles of Confederation report July 12, 1776. 

8. Declaration of Independence engrossed and signed August 

2, 1776. 

9. Articles of Confederation adopted November 13, 1777. 

10. Articles of Confederation ratified March i, 1781. 

11. Confederate Government inaugurated March 2, 1781. 

No. 16.-0RGANIZATI0N OF NATIONAL GOVERNMENT. 

1. Virginia recommends Commercial Convention, June 21, 

1786. 

2. Commercial Convention meets at Annapolis, September 11, 

1786. 

3. Annapolis Convention recommends a Constitutional Con- 

vention, September 14, 1786. 

4. Confederate Congress recommends a Constitutional Conven- 

tion, February 21, 1787. 

5. Constitutional Convention meets at Philadelphia, May 25, 

1787. 

6. Constitutional Convention adopts National Constitution, Sep- 

tember 17, 1787. 



16 



Fart I.— Drill Lists. 



7. Nine States ratify National Constitution, June 21, 1778. 

8. Confederate Congress provides for elections and meeting of 

National Government, September 13, 1788. 

9. First National Election, January 7, 1789. 

10. First Electoral College, February 4, 1789. 

11. First National Congress meets at New York, March 4, 1789. 

12. First National President inaugurated April 30, 1789. 



No. 17.— PRESIDENTS. 



I. 


Washington, Federalist, - 


- 


1789-1797 


2. 


Adams, Federalist, 


- 


1797-1801 


3- 


Jefferson, Anti-Federalist, 


- 


1801-1809 


4- 


Madison, Anti-Federalist, 


- 


1809-1817 


5- 


Monroe, Anti- Federalist, 


- 


1817-1825 


6. 


Adams, J. Q., National Republican, 


- 


[825-1829 


7- 


Jackson, Democrat, 


- 


1829-1837 


8. 


Van Buren, Democrat, - 


- 


1837-1841 


9- 


Harrison, Whig, - - - - 


- 1841 


— I month. 


10. 


Tyler, Whig, ----- 


- 


T841-1845 


1 1. 


Polk, Democrat, - - - - 


- 


1845-1849 


12. 


Taylor, Whig, - - - . 


- 


1849-1850 


13- 


Fillmore, Whig, - - - - 


- 


1850-1853 


14. 


Pierce, Democrat, - - - - 


- 


1853-1857 


15- 


Buchanan, Democrat, - 


- 


1857-1861 


16. 


Lincoln, Republican, 


- 


1861-1865 


17- 


Johnson, Republican, 


- 


1865-1869 


18. 


Grant, Republican, 


- 


1869-1877 


19. 


Hayes, RepubHcan, 


- 


1877-1881 


20. 


Garfield, Republican, - 


- 1881- 


—6 months. 


21. 


Arthur, Republican, 


- 


1881-1885 


22. 


Cleveland, Democrat, - 


1885— Present Time. 



Political Parties — Wars. 17 



No. 18.— POLITICAL PARTIES. 

Federalist, -------- 1 789-1820 

Era of Good Feeling, - - - . _ . 1820-182 5 

National Republicans, 1825-1836 

Whigs, ---.-... 1836-1856 

Liberty Party, - - . - - - - - 1840- 1848 

Free Soil Party, 1 848-1 856 

Republican Party, 1 856-1 883 

Anti-Federalist, - - - .... 1 789-1 829 

Democrats, 1829-1885 

No. 19.— WARS. 

I. King William's War — England vs. France, - 1 689-1 697 
2 Queen Anne's War — England, Holland and Ger- 
many vs. France and Spain, 

3. King George's War^England, Holland and Aus- 

tria vs. France and Prussia, 

4. French and Indian War — England and Portugal 

vs. France and Spain, . . . . 

5. Revolutionary War — United States, France and 

Spain vs. England, ----- 

6. Tripolitan War — United States vs. Tripoli, 

7. English War — United States vs. England, - 

8. Mexican War — United States vs. Mexico, 

9. Civil War — North vs. South, - - . - 



1702- 


■I7I3 


1744- 


■1748 


1754- 


■T763 


1775- 


•1783 


1801- 


■1805 


I8I2- 


■I8I4 


1846- 


•1848 


I86I- 


■1865 



1 8 ■ Part I. —Drill Lists. 



No. 20.— TERRITORIAL CHANGES. 

COLONIAL. 

1. All territory between Labrabor and Florida, from 

ocean to ocean, claimed by England from discov- 
eries by Cabots, - - - - - - 1407-1498 

2. New York ceded by Dutch to England by Treaty of 

Westminster, ------- 1674 

3. Nova Scotia ceded by France to England by Treaty of 

Utrecht, - - - - - - - -1713 

4. Canada, and all claims east of Mississippi, ceded by 

France to England by First Treaty of Paris, - 1763 

5. Florida ceded by Spain to England by First Treaty of 

Paris, - - - - - - - - 1763 

6 All claims west of the Mississippi ceded by France to 

Spain, by First Treaty of Paris, - - - - 1763 

7. All territory east of the Mississippi, except Canada 

and Florida, ceded by England to the United States 

by Second Treaty of Paris, t - - - 1783 

8. Florida ceded by England to Spain, Second Treaty of 

Paris, - - - - - - - - 1783 

No. 21.— TERRITORIAL CHANGES. 

NATIONAL. 

1. Louisiana Territory ceded by Spain to France by 

secret Treaty of Idlefonso, - . - - - - 1800 

2. Louisiana Territory acquired by purchase from France 

by Monroe Treaty, ------ 1803 

3. Florida acquired by purchase from Spain by Adams 

Treaty, - - - - - - - -1819 

4. South-western boundary settled with Spain by Adams 

Treaty, - 18 19 



Tariff— Financial Panics. 19 

5. North-eastern boundary settled with England by 

Webster Treaty, 1842 

6. Texas acquired from Mexico by annexation, - - 1845 

7. North-western boundary settled with England by Bu- 

chanan Treaty, ------- 1846 

8. California and New Mexico acquired by conquest 

from Mexico by Treaty of Gaudaloupe, - - 1848 

9. Gila Territory acquired by purchase from Mexico by 

Gadsden Treaty, - - - - - - 1853 

10. Alaska acquired by purchase from Russia by Seward 

Treaty, 1867 

No. 22.— TARIFF. 

Low Protective Tariff, by Federalists, - - - - 1789 

First War Protective Tariff, by Anti Federalists, - - 181 2 
Calhoun " Moderating Protective " Tariff, by Anti-Feder- 
alists, -------- 1816 

Clay Protective Tariff, by National Republicans, - - 1824 

Nullification Tariff, by National Republicans, - - 1828 

Clay Compromise Tariff, 1833 

Protective Tariff, by Whigs, ------ 1842 

Walker's Revenue Tariff, by Democrats, - - - 1846 

Free Trade Tariff, by Democrats, 1857 

War Protective Tariff, by Republicans, - - - - 1861 

Morrill High Protective Tariff, by Republicans, - - 1864 

No. 23.— FINANCIAL PANICS. 

First National Financial Panic, - - - - - 1781 

Panic of Monroe's Administration, - - - - 181 7 

Panic of Van Buren's Administration, - - - - 1837 

Panic of Buchanan's Administration, - - - 1857 

Panic of Grant's Administration, 1873 



20 Part I.— Drill Lists. 



No. 24.— NATIONAL BANKS. 

Bank of North America, 1781-1787 

First Bank of United States, .... 1794-1814 

United States Bank, - 1816-1836 

Removal of Deposits of U. S. Bank, by Jackson, - - 1833 
Legal Tender Act, --.-._ 1862-1881 
National Banking System, - - - 1863 — Present Time. 
Resumption of Specie Payment, 1879 

No. 25.— SLAVERY ENACTMENTS. 

Recognized in Confederate Constitution, by "Federal Ratio, "i 781 

Prohibited in N. W. Territory by Ordinance - - - 1787 

Recognized in National Constitution by " Federal Ratio," 1789 

First Statutory Recognition by "Fugitive Slave Bill," - 1793 
First Statutory Prohibition N. of 36° 30', by " Missouri 

Compromise," 1820 

First Violation of Missouri Compromise, by Annexation 

to N. W. Mo. of Sacs and Fox Indian Territory, - 1837 
Second Fugitive Slave Bill, by the "Omnibus Bill" 

Compromise, ------- 1850 

Slavery abolished in District of Columbia by compensa- 
ted emancipation, - 1862 

Slavery Prohibited in Territories by Act of Congress, - 1862 
Slavery Abolished in States in Rebellion, by Emancipa- 
tion Proclamation, 1863 

Slavery Abolished in the U. S. by XIII Amendment, - 1865 



Temperance Reforms. ' 21 



/Vo. 26.— TEMPERANCE REFORMS. 

First Temperate Society, Litchfield County, Conn., - 1789 
First Total Abstinence, by Methodist Episcopal 

Church of Virginia, - 1797 

Temperate Society of Saratoga Co., N. Y., - - - 1808 
First Total Abstinence Society, The American Tem- 
perance Society, _.--.- 1826 
Lyman Beecher's Six Temperance Sermons, - - - 1826 
First Great Temperance Revival, - - - - - 1828 

Whisky first forbidden in Army and Navy, - - - 1831 
" Washingtonian " Movement begun in Baltimore, - - 1840 
John Hawkins, " The Great Washingtonian," - 1 840-1 858 
First Secret Temperance Order (Sons of Temper- 
ance), organized at New York, - - - - 1842 

John B. Gough Reformed, ------ 1842 

Father Mathew begun his work in Ireland, - - - 1838 

Father Mathew in America, 1847 

Blue Ribbon Movement by Murphy, - . . - 187 1 
The Woman's Crusade begun at Hillsboro, O., by 

Dio Lewis, ------- 1873 

Woman's Temperance Union organized in Ohio, In- 
diana and Pennsylvania, ----- 1874 

Woman's National Temperance Union organized at 

Cleveland, 1874 

Red Ribbon Movement, by Dr. Reynolds, - - - 1876 
" Moody's Gospel Temperance Work" begun 



PART II. 



Longitudinal jiistory-l'eachirig. 

Principles : The usual method in History is to teach all the 
events of a certain period ; that is, to consider the facts in trans- 
verse order. This groups events which are in no manner related, 
excepting as to time, and therefore affords the least opportunity 
for rational memorizing. As a result, if a multitude of facts are 
mastered, it is purely by mechanical cramming ; and, while 
they may be recited well "at a recitation, or even carried long 
enough to serve the purpose of high " per cent." at examination, 
they immediately drop from the memory as soon as they have 
served the purpose for which they were studied. This method 
is fundamentally and philosophically wrong. It violates the im- 
portant Law of Association. 

True teaching will see that all facts are presented to the mind 
in the order ot their most important relations, and those which 
are most nearly related should be presented most nearly together. 
The mind, when thus treated, most readily receives, most thor- 
oughly assimilates, and so most permanently retains all facts and 
principles submitted to it. 

The nature of the mind, and, therefore, the true philosophy 
of teaching, requires, in History, that events of a similar charac- 
ter should be traced or investigated from their first beginnings 
down through their progressive evolution to the latest times, be- 
fore events of another character are taken up. In other words, 
a longitudinal section should be made along the whole line of a 
given class of events of a given History, instead of a transverse 
section across a certain period of a given History. 

Process : To illustrate : The first lesson in United States His- 
tory should include the 7C'hole history of the nation considered 
as the erection of a building. The names of the three building 



Part II.— Methods. 



processes considered as Eras, should be explained to the class as 
in Part II, p. 4. The events^ W\\\io\x\. dates, limiting these Eras 
should be assigned for study, in the light of the explanations, the 
pupils being expected by investigation to learn all they can about 
the events, and to determine their dates. As soon as these are 
recited then the teacher should drill the pupils on the Building 
Terms, the corresponding Eras, and the Limiting Events, with 
their dates. By this means the teacher trains his pupils to mem- 
orize all of this. This will complete d^whole vievv of the United 
States History. 

The Eras being mastered, the Periods are then taken up in the 
same manner, the first three first, the second three next, the last 
three last. 

This will complete a second whole view of the United States His- 
tory. No, it will complete eight distinct whole views of the His- 
tory. 

I. The Era Building Terms. 

2." The Era Terms. 

3. The Limiting Events. 

4. The Limiting Dates. 

5. The Period Building Terms. 

6. The Period Terms. 

7. The Period Limiting Events. 

8. The Period Limiting Dates. 

I am accustomed to explain to my History class that, instead 
of spending our whole term on a portion of the United States 
History, stalling, as is usually the case, in the Revolutionary 
War, I shall expect them to complete the whole history in the first 
lesson. 

When the Eras and Periods are mastered, I usually take up 
next the Drill List on Governments, given in Part I. p 14, then 
Explorations, and so on I give in Part I, a few lists which I 
am accustomed to use. The interested teacher will add to them 
by his own researches. 

Products : The interest which always comes from pursuing a 
thought ; from joining in a hunt ; from giving practical play to the 
faculty of association ; from allowing a pupil to share in the fas- 
cinating evolutionary progress of events ; this exciting interest 
is secured, and the energies of the mind are so intellectually en- 



How to Use the ^'Outlines in U. S. History.'' 



listed, that the irksomeness of memorizing events and their dates 
is surprisingly iinthoiight of or delightfully displaced by a positive 
relish and a conscious pleasure. 

But probably the best effect of such training is the habit of 
mind which it fixes. Not only does the pupil discover that the 
evolution of History is distinct and traceable, but he api)lies the 
same method to the investigation of all other subjects; and he 
refuses to accept the facts or principles of any department of 
knowledge as mastered until he has discovered the retations and 
inter-relations which unite them, in themselves and in his mind, 
into an organized body of truth. 

Pupils may not be conscious of the principles of training which 
they are thus undergoing, but the teacher should be. He is not 
di projes sion at tQ2ic\\Qr who does not clearly comprehend these fun- 
damental principles, submit to their guidance a«d under their 
lead, test, originate and apply ever changing, and improving 
methods. 



jiow to llse the " Outlines in iJ. g. flistory." 

After the "Drill Lists" have been mastered, the teacher 
should then use the "Outlines" for \\\r> guide, (not as a text, ) 
to master in fuller detail the portions of the History which he 
deems important. 

The same methods should be pursued. Topics without dates 
should be placed upon the board, at the close of the recitation, 
as the next lesson. The pupils search in their texts (the more, 
and the more different the better) for their full accounts and the 
dates. After lull recitation, whatever is worth remembering 
should be drilied upon until it is remembered. Pupils can and 
will prefer to memorize dates if they are properly drilled. The 
teacher should only require those to be remembered which he 
drills his pupils on sufficiently to enable them to remember. 
How many such dates should be remembered, the teacher should 
be able to determine by the work of his particular class. They can 
remeTnber what they can, and no more. If the teacher cannot 
decide this, he is not studying his class as he should. 

There are many events given in the "Outlines," the dates 
or narrative of which the pupils will not be able to find in their 



Part II. — Methods. 



texts. Nevertheless assign such events; if they are important, 
let the pupils search. If they fail, then, and not till then, let the 
teacher give the date. This " hunting" after materials not found 
in their books leads to independent investigation into other books 
and an ijitelligent mastery over their own texts, which cannot be 
secured in any other way. and which, after all, is more important 
than their knowledge of History. 

It will be seen that neither the '• Drill Lists " nor the " Out- 
lines " are intended as text-books. They are simply manuals or 
hand books for the teacher, to be used with any one text or 
many texts. They should be \\-\q private property of the teacher, 
whicn he should keep for his own exclusive use and guidance. 



jJow Oup ]\[ation was Built. 

I. FINDING A PLACE FOR THE BUILDING. 

Before beginning a great structure, it is important to find and 
fix upon a suitable place whereon to build. Columbus pointed 
this out ; but the Cabots determined it more closely. The work 
of these and other explorers we shall include in the period of 
Exploration : looo — 1607. 

2. GATHERING MATERIALS FOR THE BUILDING. 

Having concluded upon a place, the Lext step is to accumulate 
the materials wherewith to build; the stone, the brick, the lumber, 
&c. The materials out of which oar great nation has been built 
are the people, and the establishment of the different English 
setdements may be looked upon as torming the season of material- 
gathering, which we will designate as the period of Colonization: 
1607 — 1689. 

3. SHAPING THE MATERIALS FOR THE BUILDING. 

But before these materials can be erected into the stately edifice 
which they are destined to compose, they must be subjected to the 
work of the masons, and carpenters ; who, with rule, chisel, saw 
and plane, will shape and fit each part preparatory to the great 
'•raising." This work was done in the Intercolonial Wars, 
which were the workshops in which the various colonies, though 



Obtaining a Deed for the Building. 



jealous and impatient of one another, yet learned to subordinate 
these selfish feelings to the higher considerations that their circum- 
stances forced upon them. Their Colonial Congresses, their 
military expeditions, undertaken in common, were the processes 
by which the masses of stone and timber were chiseled into 
base and wall ; hewn into beams, girder and rafter, with mortise 
and tenon ; ready to be fitted into a grand national structure. 
Or, to put it in another phrase, the leading men of Massachusetts, 
New York, South Carolina, and Virginia, and the other Colonies, 
were thus brought together, made acquainted with one another, 
so that by mutual co-operation in crushing out the Indians, Dutch 
and French, they came to understand and respect mutual inter- 
ests ; to work together for their accomplishment, and so lo estab- 
lish a national tendency, which was essential to and proved the 
real basis of that unity which made them strong against the 
mother nation, when she compelled them to resist, and finally 
'to defy her. Let us designate this as the period of Unification : 
1689— 1775. 

It will now be noticed that we have completed a series of 
changes which are merely Preparing for Building, all of which 
therefore may be included under the grand Era of Preparation : 
1000— 1775. 

Now we come to a species of interruption in the building 
process. 

4. OBTAINING A DEED FOR THE BUILDING. 

It must not be supposed that these preparatory, shaping pro- 
cesses were with the view of erecting a structure independent of 
and separate from the parental mansion. On the other hand, the 
idea was to build a " lean to," so to speak, — a harmonious and 
beautiful ''annex" to the grand old homestead. All of the 
" cutting and hewing " was to this end. No one, that is, almost 
no one, dreamed of setting up an independent establishment. 
But unwise parental' management provoked the children to 
resist, and finally to rebel ; so that they determined it was best to 
refit their materials and join them upon a plan of their own, 
which would give them a dwelling place having not only the good 
points of the old structure, but also free from many of its objec- 
tionable features, and embracing decided improvements adapted 
to modern ideas and needs. 



Part II.— Methods. 



To establish this privilege of building to themselves, they had 
to engage in a terrible conflict (Revolutionary War) with the 
"old folks," to obtain a deed for the building. But the mutual 
understanding and common experience in war and politics which 
the former period afforded, enabled them to secure this right, 
which was granted in the Second Treaty of Paris, 1783. 

This is not a preparatory, but a constructive period. For dur- 
ing the fight for independence, they really constructed a tenta- 
tive, temporary edifice, the Confederation, the insufficiency of 
which was discovered as soon as the cessation of the war gave 
them opportunity to examine and test it thoroughly. 

This period, therefore, properly begins the Constructing of the 
Building, or The Great Era of Formation : 17 75- 1829, and we 
call it the period of Separation: 1775 — 1783. 

5. ERECTING THE'BUILDING. 

We now reach the real building period— the most important 
one of the whole history — the one which true students investi- 
gate with most interest ; although it receives less attention in the 
usual text books than any other. 

The close of the war left our good forefathers with the one task 
of constructing the grand edifice, for which they had been so long 
preparing. 

The work was accomplished in the Philadelphia Convention of 
1^87 — approved by the people June ?, 1788; the new house be 
ing iormally entered March 4, 1789, and its presiding head in- 
stalled April 30, 1789. This we designate as the period of 
Organization .•1783 — 1789- 

6. POPULARIZING THE BUILDING, 

But before we can suppose this formative era to be complete, 
we must recognize another phase, which, when accomplished, will 
leave a structure, which, though, as was "found later, possessed 
imperiections, yet was permanently fixed in the minds and hearts 
of our good people as the best and strongest governmental struc- 
ture the sun ever shone upon. 

In erecting the building, as was natural, all did not approve of the 
plan adopted. In taking possession of it therefore, it devolved 
upon those who believed in it to so administer the new house- 



Urgifig Repairs in the Building. 



hold as to win to its support those who were not well-disposed. 
This was the mission of the Federalists. Well they accomplished 
it. In something more than a decade there was no stronger sen- 
timent than loyalty to the grand home. Their work being accom- 
plished, the Federal party fell away, and other subjects besides 
the character of the structure arose. 

These events constitute the period of Nationalization: 1789 — 
1829 

7. URGING REPAIRS IN THE BUILDING. 

We now open an entirely new Era. A portion of the national 
structure was found to be unsafe. This was understood by many 
at its first building, for decided differences prevailed among the 
builders as to what was the best material ; or, rather, a portion 
of the builders had some stock on hand which they were deter- 
mined to work in, much against the wishes of a majority of the 
workmen, but since threats not to join at all in the formation 
were made, it was thought best to build as well as possible with 
the dubious material, and wait for time to test it. 

That time has now come. Through the efforts of a few patri- 
ots who clearly saw the danger to which the whole fabric was ex- 
posed by these rotten beams, a wide-spread sentiment was aroused 
that these should be taken out and replaced with new and strong 
material. 

So long as it threatened only one portion of the structure, peo- 
ple were not specially concerned, but, now that it was really en- 
dangering the whole establishment, it was felt that repairs should 
be made. The unsound materials were of course slavery. As 
was natural, those who lived in the shakiest part of the building 
were most loth to make a change. They saw that it would tear 
up their abiding place, compel them to change their mode of 
living and subject them to great loss of material, which, in the 
reconstruction, could not be used. But by the time of Lincoln 
it was pretty generally determined that repiairs in the southern 
wing of the house would have to be accomplished. This con- 
clusion was reached during the period of Agitation: 1829 — 
1 86 1. Thus is accomplished the first step of the great work of 
repairing the building, or the Era of Reformation: 1829 — 1885. 



Part II.— Methods. 



REPAIRING THE BUILDING. 

We now enter upon the period of repairs. The whole struct- 
ure had to be raised up, the rotten beams taken out, new ones 
put in, the foundations reconstructed, and the whole let down 
again upon its new base. This involved a great deal of hard 
feeling ; it destroyed many homes, discommoded everybody ter- 
ribly. Our southern fellow-dwellers resisted bitterly. They de 
clared they would detach their portion of the establishment, 
remove it, and live by themselves (Secession). But the senti- 
ment of ownership in the whole structure was too strong. It was 
claimed that the North belonged to the South and the South to 
the North ; and the fabric was too grand and beautiful as a whole 
to be broken up into shapeless fragments. But our southern 
friends, filled with a very natural love for their own surroundings, 
to which they -liad become deeply attached in spite of their 
defects, determined to accomplish the separation by force (Civil 
war) . 

Fortunately their efforts were fruitless, and the needed repairs 
were accomplished. Altogether it subjected the grand old struc- 
ture to a terrible strain, but all are rejoiced that it was found 
equal to the trial. 

These events we embrace in the period of Emancipation : 1861 
-1865. 

RE POPULARIZING THE BUILDING. 

Having now removed the defective materials, completed repairs 
and improvements, it becomes necessary to undergo a phase not 
unlike that of the period of Nationalization. The renewed por- 
tion of the household must be made acceptable to its inhabitants. 
In all history there is not an instance of so penetrating and radi- 
cal a revolution completed in so short a time. We must remem- 
ber that in the abolition of slavery the most sacred privacy of 
every Southern home was, in a sense, terribly violated. Every 
feature of parlor, bed-room, and kitchen was changed. All of 
those practices and habits which make all that is dear and 
precious in what is the most dear and precious of all things 
to the American —home — were completely destroyed and oblit- 
erated. 

That our southern friends should be slow to adapt themselves 
to new surroundings is not strange. That those who were admin- 



Re- Popularizing the Building. 9 



istering the new portion of the household should do everything 
in their power to render it attractive and congenial was right and 
proper. That their efforts should be sometimes ill-timed and ill- 
advised is natural. That they should be misinterpreted and un- 
appreciated need surprise no one. 

We of the North, instead of becoming impatient and intolerant 
because of the slow ])rogress of our efforts at reconciliation, have 
every reason to be grateful and encouraged at the unparalleled 
progress being made. Tnat it should be so rapid and genuine is 
the great wonder. That the South should possess the vitality 
which has enabled it so considerably to recover from the shock 
of disaster and depletion of its resources which it has undergone, 
and to so promptly adjust itself to its new environment, and 
discover opportunities and possibilities from which, by reason 
of slavery, it had been before utterly excluded; that it should 
already be rejoicing at its complete release from the blight and 
deterioration brought upon its commerce and manufactories and 
society by the terrible misfortune — all this is abundant theme for 
mutual congratulation and encouragement. The new home, 
though so different from the old, though so strange, is beginning 
to be found more commodious, more comfortable and more con 
genial ; the new South is now beginning to awaken as a giant 
from sleep; to shake its locks with consciousness of new strength; 
to feel new blood coursing through its limbs and urging it to a 
new grandeur and sublimity of life, of which before it had been 
but dreaming. And this magnificent unfolding of a prosperity 
which the wildest prophecy cannot overleap, is a common inher- 
itance to us all. It is the strengthening and beautifying of the 
whole national life. Every citizen is not only a sharer but a joint 
owner in it. The humblest voter may well feel proud and rich, 
as he realizes that he is the owner of it all — that his right and 
title to all of the United States, every State and Territory, has 
now been forever settled. 

Far distant be the day when we shall yield one foot of this grand 
estate, and so fail to transmit it as an undivided inheritance to our 
children and our children's children. 

These events form the period of Re-Natwnalization : 1865 — 
1885 — the last phase of the grand Era of Refor.iniation, 1829 
-1885. 

Thus was our Nation built. 



1 Part II. —Methods. 



flistory llnteaching. 

Courts, they say, are a device for the defeat of justice. Phy- 
sicians, they say, are to show us how not to keep well. These 
are cynical growls. But I oftentimes think there is more than 
cheap cynicism in the assertion th'it schools are mstitutions ior 
the prevention of learning. For instance, take History. What 
is the object of teaching History in our public schools ? Evi- 
dently 10 make the pupils intelligent concerning their citizenship. 
Yet how many pupils in History can answer these questions: 

1. Are all citizens voters? 

2. Are all voters citizens? 

3. What is a citizen ? 

4. Is the term defined by law ? 

5. If so, by constitutional or statutory law? 

6. By National or State law? 

7. What is the test of genuine citizenship? 

8. What is a vote ? 

9. Why do we vote ? 

10. By what authority do we vote? 

Ti. By what authority do we not vote? 

12. By what process can the right of suffrage be obtained? 

A simple, faithful inquiry into these matters in every History 
class in the land would soon settle the woman suffrage question. 
There is no popular ignorance so crass as that about citizenship 
and voting. Yet this knowledge is fundamental, simple and in- 
disputable. Differences of opinion cannot possibly exist upon 
these matters, if moderate information is possessed. 

The stupid, criminal ignorance of elementary principles of 
History, shown by Government Officer Rayner, in his silly 
twaddle about Mrs. Somebody being the master of her own 
steamboat, is the terrible result of our dead, sham, how-not-to- 
teach methods of teaching History practiced in a majority of the 
schools of our land. Let dates go unlearned, let battles go un- 
recited, events unnarrated; but do not, teachers, fail to teach the 
true significance of citizei ship and of voting. 



Citizenship. 11 



Citizenship. 

Ask any intelligent audience, "Who are citizens?" and a ma- 
jority of those who express an opinion will answer, "Those who 
vote." The same proportion will hold that women are not citi- 
zens, and will be very positive that children and babies have no 
claims on citizenship. 

Again, enquire by what authority citizenship is established, 
and a large majority will freely admit that they have not the 
slightest idea. A i^w will insist that it is a State law, but as to 
whether it is statutory or constitutional, they will probably con- 
fess they do not understand the terms. 

The teacher of History should thoroughly inform himself upon 
these points, and see to it that every pupil under his direction is 
clear about it. 

There is no definition of citizen or citizenship in the Ohio 
Constitution, or in its legislative enactments. The sole authority 
for the term in this Slate is the definition given in the National 
Constitution Amendments, Art. XIV, Sec. i, first sentence: 

"All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the 
jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State 
wherein they reside." 

This provision makes it unnecessary, now, for any State to de- 
fine a citizen, and any constitutional or statutory enactments of 
any State, inconsistent with it, are abrogated by it. 

By this enactment it will be seen that women, children and 
babies (born or naturalized) are citizens of the United States, 
and of the States within which they reside. 

Citizenship, then, is defined by the National Constitution for 
the United States, and for each State. 

The two questions: "Are all citizens voters?" and "Are all 
voters citizens ?" would meet with as many different and errone- 
ous answers from an intelligent assembly as our first questions. 

To settle it, since we have decided who are citizens, we must 
decide "Who are voters?" This question gives rise to the fol- 
lowing : 

(i.) By what authority does any one vote? 

(2.) For ivhat purpose does any one vote? 



12 Part II.— Methods. 



By V/liat yiuthority Does £ny One Vote? 

I have asked, during many years, successive classes in His- 
tory, composed of from thirty to two hundred teachers, their 
opinion upon this question. Invariably a large majority have 
been confident that the right to vote is conferred by the National 
Constitution. It is always then my custom to request them to 
turn to the Constitution, find and read the portion conferring the 
right to vote. The portion always read, and with triumphant 
emphasis, is the Fifteenth Amendment, Sec. i. 

"The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied 
or abridged by the United States^ or by any State; on account of race, 
color, or previous condition of servitude." 

It is read, too, generally, by pupils of classes in which there 
is not a single black person, from a book which has the amend- 
ment preceded by the significant heading " Negro Suffrage." 

When the fact is called to their attention that a great many 
voted before March 30, 1870, the time at which the Fifteenth 
Amendment became a Law; and that the effect of that Amend- 
ment was to prevent any State interfering with the right of the 
colored citizen to vote on account of his color, or race, or previ- 
ous condition of servitude; their discomfiture is, of course, con- 
siderable, especially as they have stoutly maintained that they ' 
received their right to vote from that Amendment. 

(I always call the attention of my pupils to the fact that this 
Amendment makes it just as impossible for a State composed of 
a large majority of colored people to deny white citizens the right 
to vote, as it does a State composed of a large majority of white 
people to deny the right of suffrage to colored citizens.) 

Yielding at last, this reference, they who think the National 
Constitution confers the right of suffrage, usually turn to the 
Fourteenth Amendment. Sec. 1, second sentence: 

"No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privi- 
leges or i?nmiinities of citizens of the United States ; nor shall any State de- 
prive any person of life, liberty and property, without due process of law; 
nor deny to any person zuithin 7ts Jurisdiction the equal protection of the Laws.'''' 

This reference has more show of reason in it, and it is beyond 
common sense, but equal to the un common sense of lawyers, to 
show why it did not make the right of suffrage universal. 



By What Authority Docs Any One Vote I 13 



Yet, of course, tlie right to vote prevailed before this Amend- 
ment became a law, July 28. 1868, and therefore its establish- 
ment must be looked for elsewhere. 

But before leavinsj this Amendment, I should say that the 
second sentence of Sec. 2, of this Amendment, is not unfre 
quently cited as conferring; the right to vote. 

But when it is shown that that only reduces the basis of rep- 
resentation in proportion as the number of voters is reduced, the 
point is, of course, yielded. 

By this time the class begin to see that in the "War Amend 
ments" is not the place to seek for the authority for a right 
which existed long before their enactment. They begin to ex- 
amine the Constitution proper. 

The citation now usually made is Art. II, Sec. i, Par, 2. But 
as soon as the word "elector" is explained, this is yielded. 

Retreat is then made upi)n Art. I, Sec. 4, first sentence. 

"The times, places and manner of holduig elections for Senators and 
Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature 
thereof, etc. " 

But it is soon noticed that times, places and manner but not 
voters, are to be prescribed in e ten State by the Legislature, and, 
besides, this is only as to Senators and Representatives, National 
Officers, and notJ;o any State Officers. 

By this time it begins to dawn upon the positive ones that the 
National Constitution does not confer the ris^ht to vote. The Fifteenth 
Amendment prevents its being denied or abridged for certain 
reasons, but it is purposely worded to imply that the right was a 
pre-existing one, or how could it be denied or abridged ? 

The class are now ready to recall the fact that the State organ 
izations, and their voting arrangements, were in existence when 
our present Constittition was adopted, and it has no more to do 
with the right to vote than have the Amendments adopted since 
the War. 

The teacher will now, if he has or can borrow a copy ot the 
Revised Ohio Statutes, read from them the following: 

" Every Ti'////<' male citizen of the United States, of the age of twenty- 
one years, who shall have been a resident of ihe State one year next pre- 
ceding the election, and of the county, township, or ward, in which he 
resides, such time as may be provided by law, shall have the qualifications 
of an elector, and be entitled to vote at all elections." — Ohio Constitution, 
Art. r, Sa. 1. 



14 Part II.— Methods. 



The first word to attract attention here will be "white." Its 
abrogation, or nullification, by the Fifteenth Amendment to the 
National Constitution will be taught. 

Here attention will be drawn to the fact that the right of citi- 
zens of Ohio to vote, both for State and National Officers, is 
prescribed by State Constitutional Law, except as to the resi- 
dence in county, township or ward, which is prescribed by statu- 
tory law. 

Now it will be well to refer to Part III, page ii, a table 
taken from The American Almanac, p. 150, a book which should 
be in the hands of every teacher in the land. By a brief exami- 
nation it will be discovered that (1) The right to vote is differently 
defined and prescribed in different States. (2. ) That all citizens are 
not voters. (3.) That all looters are not citizens. 

This discussion will perhaps suffice to clear up confusion as 
to citizenship and voting, or citizens and voters. 



Why Do We Vote ? 

On putting this question to my History pupils, the first answer 
is invariably, " To elect our man." • 

Admitting that this is too frequently the case, I ask again, 
" Why do we vote?" 

" To carry our party," comes next, perhaps. 

Undoubtedly this is true of a majority of voters, but again I 
ask, •' Why do we vote ? " 

" To control the government," responds some one. 

Acknowledging the importance of this as an object, I still ask, 
" Why do we vote to control the government ? " 

" To have the men who govern us do as we wish them to." 

" What is it that the men who govern us can do which we wish 
to control? " 

" Make and administer the laws." 

"What are laws?" 

" Regulations for our convenience and protection." 

" Protection from what ? " 

" Crimes and criminals." 



IV/iy Do We Vote? 15 



'' What do they protect? " 

" Our persons and our property." 

" Who can interfere with our persons ? " 

" Murderers, and robbers, and other roughs and criminals, be- 
sides foreign foes." 

" Are there no others who can interfere with our persons?" 

To this the answer is usually "No!" and it is some time 
before they remember that the government can imprison them, 
hang them, order them to battle to be shot down like cattle, 
etc., etc. 

" Who can interfere with our property ?" 

"Thieves, mobs, foreign foes." 

" Is there noother power that can interfere with our property?" 

" Yes, government can confiscate it." 

" But is there no other way that government can lay hands 
upon our property ? " 

Here, again, it is some time before the class will recall, in this 
connection, that the government can tax our property. Taxation 
is so common and legitimate that young persons do not look upon 
it as interference. 

" Must every one with property pay taxes?" 

"Yes." 

" Suppose some one should refuse to pay taxes, what would be 
done? " 

"The Sheriff would sell enough of his property to pay the 
taxes due and a penalty for resistance to the laws." 

I here enlarge upon the fact that the progress of all civilized 
government h?s been marked by struggles against the government 
by the owners of property, to secure the right to say how much 
of their property should be taken. In English history, every 
charter of liberty was a guarantee by the government of this 
privilege to property owners. In French history, the terrible 
Revolution was but a popular protest against the cruel extortion 
of the Kings. 

I then ask, "Is it necessary that the government should have 
any of the property of the people ? " 

" Certainly, to pay the expenses of the government." 

" Is it necessary that the government have control of our per- 
sons, to send us to prison, to war, etc.?" 



1 6 Part II. —Methods. 



*' Certainly, for by this means only can we be protected against 
criminals at home, and enemies abroad." 

" Is this right of the government to interfere with our persons 
and property, liable to abuse ?" 

" Yes, the history of all civilizations is the history of the abuse 
of this right by the government, and of popular efforts to correct 
such abuse." 

I then explain that " tyranny " and "depotism " are but other 
words for the unjust interference of the government with the per- 
s'ons and property of its subjects. 

" How do we in this country protect ourselves against this 
tyranny ? " 

'' By voting for, and so choosing the persons who make and 
execute the laws. If the persons, who make our laws, levy 
taxes, etc., whether they be local, municipal, state, or national, 
are unjust and tyrannical, we change them at the next election 
by voting for persons who are pledged to meet our wishes." 

" Therefore, as a result ot all this discussion^ can you tell why 
we vote ? " 

" To protect our persons and. our property." 

" Is the privilege of voting an important one, then ? " 

" Very; incalculably so. Our lives and our all depend upon it " 

"Ought every one to attend to this duty faithfully ? " 

" By all means. Every one should discharge this duty 
sacredly." 

" Would you not think it wise to delegate the whole business of 
voting to the lawyers, or ministers, or to some intelligent body 
of men, who can study, comprehend, and manage these grave 
matters more judiciously than we who are not familiar with law 
making, or with the difficulties of government ? ' 

An emphatic "No!" is the immediate response. 

Then I ask: "Gentlemen, you who vote, would you not. 
prefer that your lathers should vote for you until they die, and 
then you exercise the right ? They are older, wiser, more ex- 
perienced. Will it not be soon enough for us to assume so im- 
portant a duty after our fathers have passed away ? " 

" No ! " is the unanimous answer. 

" Would it not be well if the laws controlling voting were so 
amended as to enable us to let a friend vote for us ? It is often- 
times inconvenient to go to the polls, and one does not like to 



miy Do We Vote ? 17 



lose his vote. Now, if we could give a written statement to 
some one empowering him to vote for us. would it not be a con- 
venience ? W^Q would, of course, select some one in whom we 
had confidence." 

Not one ever consents to this. They are all positive that it 
would not be wise or practicable. 

I now return to my first question, " Why do we vote? " 

"To protect our persons and property." 

" You consider it very important, do you ? " 

''Yes." 

" You would not give up the privilege, or delegate it ? " 

" Never ! Under no conditions ! " 

"Would you fight for it?" 

Unanimously, "Yes." 

" Why do not children vote ? They have persons and prop- 
erty to protect." 

'* They are not considered old enough to care for and protect 
themselves." 

" Why do not idiots vote ? There are many Of them of voting 
age." 

" They are not competent." 

" Why do not penitentiary convicts vote ? " 

'' They are not competent or worthy." 

" Why do not paupers vote in some states? " 

" They are not considered competent, as they cannot make a 
living." 

" Why do not foreigners vote ?" 

" They are not sufficiently interested in our affairs, and do not 
understand them." 

" Why do not women who are of age and sound mind vote ? " 

Some one will say, " Because it is not proper." 

" Why is it not proper ? You say you vote to protect your 
person and property. Do women have persons and property to 
protect ? " 

" Yes, but the men protect them by voting for them." 

"True, but you patriotic gentlemen only a moment ago said j^// 
would never let any one vote for 7^//, protect)'^//, not even a 
wiser friend, or father. You would fight before you would sur- 
render the right of protecting you?' persons Sindyour property to 
any one. Is there anything peculiar in a woman, in her person 



18 Part II.— Methods. 



and her property, that she should let others protect her ? But 
do they really tax the property of women ? " 

A few will answer, " No." A large majority will answer, 
''Yes." 

" Do you mean to say that the government will take the prop- 
erty of women without giving them a voice in the disposal of it ? " 

"Yes." 

" Why, my friends, is not that in violation of a grand princi- 
ple of our government ? Can you tell me what it is?" 

" Taxation ivithoiit representation is unjust'" 

" Is there really much importance to be attached to that princi- 
ple. Isn't it a kind of pet phrase ? A species of buncombe ? A 
sort of campaign cry ? Did it ever really amount to anything 
in our history ? " 

" Yes, the Revolutionary War was fought to maintain it, and 
our forefathers rebelled against England, and finally threw off 
her government entirely, because she wished to tax them without 
giving them any share in making the laws by which they were 
taxed ?" 

" Do you think our forefathers were right ? Or were they un- 
duly excited with a mere sentiment ? Did England really tax 
them very heavily ? " 

" No. She removed all the taxes except a little on tea." 

' ' Couldn't our forefathers have paid that easily ? Was it worth 
while to go to a bloody war because of a trifling tax on tea?" 

" They could have paid it, but they would not. It was the 
principle they were contending for. If England could tax them 
a small amount on tea without their consent, she could tax them 
on anything else for a?iy amount without their consent." 

" How could our forefathers have had representation ? " 

" They could have voted iox gentlemen to represent them in 
the English Parliament." 

" Then you really think that Taxation without representation 
is unjust, and you think you would fight rather than suffer such 
injustice 1 " 

"We do." 

" Yet how many of our citizens, who are of age and can hold 
property, are taxed without representation ? " 

" About one-half, namely, the women." 



W/iy Do We Vote? 19 



" But it does not hurt a woman to be taxed, does it ? She does 
not care to have anything to say about the disposal of her person 
or her property, does she ? She is a woman, so of course can 
take no interest in the laws which affect her and her property. 
The ])rinciple that ' Taxation without representation is unjust,' 
does not apply to woman, because — because she is a woman. 

Sincerely, friends, this grand principle is important, or it is un- 
important. It is worth fighting for, or it is not. A vote is 
something, or it is nothing. It does protect a man in his person 
and his property, or it does not. , If it does not, let us give over 
voting and attend to more important matters. If it does, then 
every one who has a person to protect and can acquire prop- 
erty, should have a say as to the disposal of that person and 
property ; and if there are people in this nation whose persons 
are at the disposal of the government, whose property is being 
taxed, and who at the same time are not represented in the gov 
ernment, wouldn't it be just as heroic for us to fight now as it 
was for our forefathers to fight in 1776? Gentlemen, you said 
a moment ago you would fight before you would yield or dele- 
gate yoitr right to vote ; that is, your right to say what shall be done 
with_>w/r person zxi^ your property. You insisted that taxation 
without representation was so unjust you would fight against it. 
Now all that is simple nonsense on your part, or you ought to 
arm yourself and resist your tax gatherers the next time they 
collect taxes from your neighbors who are women. I see some 
of you smile, but you are not the first persons who have talked 
boldly about grand principles, but who merely smile weakly 
when the enforcement of the principle is required. Out of such 
smiles tyrants have forged chains for their victims." 



PAST III. 

Appei^^ices. 



Declaration of Independence. 

A Declaration by the Representatives of the United States of America, 
in Congress assembled. 

When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one 
people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them w^ith 
another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and 
equal station to v/hich the laws of nature, and of nature's God, entitle 
them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they 
should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. 

We hold these truths to be self-evident : that all men are created equal ; 
that they are endowed, by their Creator, with certain unalienable rights; 
that among these, are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that, 
to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving 
their just powers, from the consent of the governed ; that, whenever any 
form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of 
the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, lay- 
ing its foundation upon such principles, and organizing its powers in such 
form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happi- 
ness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments, long established, 
should not be changed for light and tr.insient causes ; and, accordingly, 
all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, 
while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the 
forms to which they are accustomed. '^ But, when a long train of abuses 
and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to 
reduce them under absolute depotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to 
throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future 
security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and 
such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter iheir former sys- 
tems of government. The history of the King of Great Britain is a his- 
tory of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having, in direct object, the 
establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, 
let facts be submitted to a candid world. 

He has refused his assent to bws the most wholesome and necessary for 
the public good. 



Part III. — Appendices. 



He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immedia,te and pressing 
importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be 
obtained ; and, when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to 
them. 

He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large dis- 
tricts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of repre 
sentation in the legislature ; a right inestimable to them, and formidable 
to tyrants only. 

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfort- 
able, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole 
purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. 

He has dissolved representative houses, repeatedly, for opposing, with 
manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people. 

He has -refused, for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others 
to be elected ; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, 
have returned to the people at laj'ge for their exercise ; the State remain- 
ing, in the mean time, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from with- 
out, and convulsions within. 

He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States ; for that 
purpose, obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners ; refusing to 
pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the condi 
tions of new appropriations of larids. 

He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent 
to laws for establishing judiciary powers. 

He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their 
ofhces, and the amount and payment of their salaries. 

He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of 
officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance. 

He has kept among us, in lime of peacir, standing armies, without the 
consent of our legislatures. 

He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, 
the civil power. 

He has combined, with others, to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to 
our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws ; giving his assent to 
their acts of pretended legislation : 

For quartering large bodies of an*ed troops among us : 

For protecting them, by a mock-trial, from punishment for any murders 
which they should commit on the inhabitants of the^e States: 

For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world : 

For imposing taxes on us, without our consent : 

For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury: 

For transporting us beyond seas, to be tried f< r pretended offences: 

For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring Province, 
establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, 
so as to render it, at once, an example and fit instrument for introducing 
the same absolute rule into these Colonies : 

For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and 
altering, fundamentally, the forms of our governments : 



Declaratioji of Independence. 



For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested 
with power to legislate for us, in all cases whatsoever. 

He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection, 
and waging war against us. 

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, buint our towns, and 
destroyed the lives of our people. 

He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries, to 
complete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun with 
circumstances of cruelty and perfidy, scarcely paralleled in the most bar- 
barous ages, and totally unwortliy the head of a civilized nation. 

lie has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, 
to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their 
friends and brethren, or to fall themselves b} their hands. 

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has erdeavored 
to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, 
whose known rule of 'war/are is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, 
sexes, or conditions. 

In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in 
the most humble terms. Our repeated petitions have been answered only 
by repeated injury. A prince, whose character is thus marked by every 
act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. 

Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We 
have warned them, from time to time, of attempts, by their legislature, to 
extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them 
of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have 
appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured 
them, by tlie ties of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, 
which would unevitably interrupt our connexions and correspondence. 
They, too, have been dtaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. 
We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our 
separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in 
war, in peace, friends. 

We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, 
in General Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the 
World for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by 
authority, of the good People of these Colonies, sohmnly publish and de- 
clare. That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, Free and 
Independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the 
British crown, and that all political connexion between them and the state 
of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that, as Free 
AND Independent States, they have full power to levy war, con.clude 
peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and 
things which Independent States may of right do. And for the sup- 
port of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine 
Providence, we mutually pledge to each other, our lives, our fortunes, 
and our sacred honor. 



/ art III. — Appendices. 



Articles of Gonfederation 

And perpetual union, between the States of New Hampshire, Massa- 
chusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New 
York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North 
Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. 

ARTICLE I. 

The style of this confederacy shall be "The United States of 
America." 

ARTICLE II. 

Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and 
every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Confederation 
expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled. 

ARTICLE III. 

The said States hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship 
with each other, for their common defence, the security of their liberties, 
and their mutual and general welfare ; binding themselves to assist each 
other against all force offered to, or attacks made upon, them, or any of 
them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence 
whatever. 

ARTICLE IV. 

The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and intercourse 
among the people of the different States in this Union, the free inhabitants 
of each of these States, paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from justice 
excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and in munities of free citizens, 
in the several States; and the people of each Slate shall have free ingress 
and regress to and from any other State ; and shall enjoy therein all the 
privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same duties, impositions, 
and restrictions, as the inhabitants thereof respectively ; provided that 
such restriction shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of prop- 
erty imported into any State, to any other State of which tlie owner is an 
inhabitant ; provided also, that no imposition, duties, or restriction, shall 
be laid by tiny State, on the property of the United States, or either of 
them. 

If- any person guilty of, or charged with, treason, felonv, or other high 
misdemeanor, in any State, shall flee from justice, and be found in any of 
the United States, he shall, upon demand of the governor or executive 
power of the State from which he had fled, be delivered up, and removed 
to the State having jurisdiction of his offence. 

Full faith and credit shall be given in each of these States to the records, 
acts, and judicial proceedings, of the courts and magistrates of every other 
State. 



Article i of Confederation. 



ARTICLE V. 

For the more convenient management of the general interests of the 
United States, delegates shall be annually appointed in such manner as the 
legislature of each State shall direct, to meet in Congress on the first Mon- 
day in N^ovember, in every year, wiih a power reserved to each State to 
recall its delegates, or any of them, at any time within the year, and send 
others in their stead, for the remainder of the year. 

No State shall be represented in Congress by less than two, nor by more 
than seven, members ; and no person shall be capable of being a delegate 
for more than three years in any term of six years ; nor shall any person, 
being a delegate, be capable of holding any office under the United States, 
for which he, or another for his benefit, receives any salary, fees, or emolu- 
ment of any kind. 

Each State shall maintain its own delegates in a meeting of the States, 
and while they act as members of the committee of the States. 

In determining questions in the United States in Congress assembled, 
each State shall have one vote. 

Freedom ot speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or 
questioned in any court or place outside of Congress; and the members of 
Congress shall be protected in their persons from arrest and imprisonment, 
during the time of their going to, and from, and attendance on. Congress, 
except for treason, felony, or breach of the peace. 

ARTICLE VI. 

No State, without the consent of the United States in Congress assem- 
bled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any embassy from, or enter 
into any conference, agreement, alliance, or treaty, with any king, prince, 
or state ; nor shall any person, holding any office of profit, or trust, under 
the United States, or any of them, grant any title of nobility. 

No two or more States shall enter into any treaty, confederation, or 
alliance whatever, between ihem, without the con-;entof the United States 
in Congress assembled, specifying accurately the purpose for which the 
same is lo be entered into, and how long it shall continue. 

No State shall lay any imposts or duties, which may interfere with any 
stipulations in treaties entered into by the United States in Congress as- 
sembled, with any king, prince, or state, in pursuance of any treaties, al- 
ready proposed by Congress to the courts of France and Spain. 

No vessels of war si- all be kept up, in time of peace, by any State, ex- 
cept such number only as shall be deemed necessary by the United States 
in Congress assembled, for the defence of such State, or its trade ; nor 
shall any bo:ly of forces be kept up by any State, in time of peace, except 
such number only as. in the judgment of the United States in Congress 
a*^sembled, shall be deemed requisite to garrison the forts necessary for 
the defence of such State ; but every State shall always keep up a well- 
regulated and disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and accoutred; and"* 
shall provide and constantly have ready for use, in public stores, a due 



Part III.— Appendices. 



number of field-pieces and tents, and a proper quantity of arms, ammuni- 
tion, and camp equipage. 

No State shall engage in any war without the consent of the United 
States in Congress assembled, unless such State be actually invaded bv 
enemies, or shall have received certain advice of a resolution being formed 
by some nation of Indians to invade such Stato, and the danger is so 
imminent cs not to admit of a delay till the United States in Congress as- 
sembled can be consulted ; nor shall any State grant commissions to any 
ship or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or reprisal, except it be after 
a declaration of war by the United States in Congress assembled; and 
then only against the kingdom or state, and the subjects thereof, against 
which war has been so declared, and under such regulations as shall be 
established by the United States in Congress assembled; unless such State 
be infested by pirates, in which vessels of war may be fitted out for that 
occasion, and kept so long as the danger shall continue, or until the United 
States in Congress assembled shall determine otherwise. 

ARTICLE VII. 

When land forces are raised by any State for the common defence, all 
officers of, or under, the rank of colonel, shall be appointed by the legis- 
ture of each State respectively, by whom such forces shall be raised, or in 
such manner as such State shall direct ; and all vacancies shall be filled up 
by the State which first made the appointment. 

ARTICLE VIII. 

All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the 
common defence, or general welfare, and allowed by the United States in 
Congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treasury, which 
shall be supplied by the several States in proportion to the value of all 
land within each State, granted to, or surveyed for, any person, as euch 
land and the buildings and imi^rovements thereon shall be estimated, ac- 
cording to such mode as the United States in Congress assembled shall, 
from time to time, direct and appoint. The taxes for paying that propor- 
tion shall be laid and levied by the authority and direction of the legisla- 
tures of the several States, within the time agreed upon by the United 
States in Congress assembled. 

ARTICLE IX. 

The United States in Congress assembled shall have the sole and exclu- 
sive right and power of determining on peace and war, except in the 
cases mentioned in the sixth artic'e: Of sending and receiving ambassa- 
dors : Entering into treaties and alliances ; provided that no treaty of 
commerce shall be made, whereby the legislative power of the respective 
States shall be restrained from imposing such imposts and duties on for- 
eigners as their own people are subjected to, or from prohibiting the ex- 
portation or importation of any species of goods or commodities what- 
ever : Of establishing rules for deciding, in all cases, what captures on 



Articles of Confederation. 



land or water shall be legal ; and in what manner prizes, taken by land or 
naval forces, in the service of the United States, shall be divided or appro- 
priated : Of granting letters of marque and reprisal, in times of peace : 
Appointing courts for the trial of piracies and felonies committed on the 
high seas ; and establishing courts for receiving and determining, finally, 
appeals in all cases of captures; provided that no member of Congress 
shall be appointed a judge of any of the said courts. 

The United States in Congress assembled shall also be the last resort, 
on appeal, in all disputes and differences now subsisting, or that hereafter 
may arise, between two or more States, concerning boundary, jurisdiction, 
or any other cause whatever ; which authority shall always be exercised in 
the manner following : Whenever the legislative or executive authority, 
or lawful agent, of any State, in controversy with another, shall present a 
petition to Congress, stating the matter in question, and praying for a 
hearing, notice thereof shall be given, by order of Congress, to the legis- 
lative or executive authority of the other State in controversy ; and a day 
assigned for the appearance of the parties by their lawful agents, who 
shall then be directed to appoint, by joint consent, commissioners or 
judges, to constitute a court for hearing and determining the matter in 
question ; but if they cannot agree, Congress shall name three persons 
out of each of the United States; and from the list of such persons each 
party shall alternately strike out one, the petitioners beginning, until the 
number shall be reduced to thirteen ; and from that number not less than 
seven, nor more than nine, names, as Congress shall direct, shall, in the 
presence of Congress, be drawn out by lot ; and the persons whose names 
shall be so drawn, or any five of them, shall be commissioners or judges, 
to hear and finally determine the controversy, so always as a major part of 
the judges, who shall hear the cause, shall agree in the determination. 
And if either party shall neglect to attend at the day appointed, without 
showing reasons which Congress shall judge sufficient, or being present 
shall refuse to strike, the Congress shall proceed to nominate three persons 
out of each State; and the Secretary of Congress shall strike in behalf of 
such party absent or refusing; and the judgment and sentence of the 
court, to be appointed in the manner before prescribed, shall be final and 
conclusive. And if any of the parties shall refuse to submit to the author- 
ity of such court, or to appear, or defend their claim or cause, the court 
shall, nevertheless, proceed to pronounce sentence or judgment, which 
shall in like manner be final and decisive ; the judgment, or sentence, and 
other proceedings, being, in either case transmitted to Congress, and 
lodged among the acts of Congress, for the security of the parties con- 
cerned : Provided, that every commissioner, before he sits in judgment, 
shall take an oath, to be administered by one of the judges of the supreme 
or superior court of the State, where the cause shall be tried, ' Well and 
truly to hear and determine the matter in question, according to the best 
of his judgment, without favor, aftection, or hope of reward ' : Provided, 
also, that no State shall be deprived of territory for the benefit of the 
United States. 



Part III. — Appendices, 



All controversies concerning the private right of soil claimed under 
different grants of two or more States, whose jurisdiction, as they may re- 
spect such lands and the States which passed such grants, are adjusted, 
the said grants, or either of them, being at the same time claimed to have 
originated antecedent to such settlement of jurisdiction, shall, on the 
petition of either party to the Congress of the United States, be finally 
determined, as near as may be, in the same manner as is before prescribed 
for deciding disputes respecting territorial jurisdiction between different 
States. 

The United States in Congress assembled shall also have the sole and 
exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value of coin struck 
by their own authority, or by that of the respective States : Plxing the 
standard of weights and measures throughout the United States ; Regu- 
lating the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians, not members of 
any of the States ; provided that the legislative right of any State within 
its own limits be not infringed or violated : Establishing and regulating 
post-offices from one State to another, throughout all the United States, 
and exacting such postage on the papers passing through the same as may 
be requisite to defray the expenses of the said office : Appointing all offi- 
cers of the Jand forces in the service of the United States, excepting regi- 
mental officers: Appointing all the ofiicers of the naval forces, and com- 
missioning all officers whatever in the service of the United States : Mak- 
ing rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces, 
and directing their operation. 

The United States in Congress assembled shall have authority to appoint 
a committee, to sit in the recess of Congress, to be denominated a com- 
mittee OF THE UNITED STATES, and to consist of one delegate from each 
State, and to appoint such other committees and civil officers as may be 
necessary for managing the general affairs of the United States under 
their direction: To appoint one of their number to preside; pro- 
vided, that no person be allowed to serve in the office of President more 
than one year in any term of three years. To ascertain the necessary sums 
of money to be raised for the service of the United States, and to appro- 
priate and apply the same for defraying the publick expenses : To borrow 
money, or emit bills on the credit of the United States, transmitting every 
half year to the respective States an account of the sums of money so bor- 
rowed or emitted : To build and equip a navy: To agree upon the num- 
ber of land forces, and to make requisitions from each State for its quota, 
in proportion to the number of white inhabitants in such State, which re- 
quisition shall be binding ; and thereupon the legislature of each State 
shall appoint the regimental officers, raise the men, and clothe, arm, and 
equip them, in a soldierlike manner, at the expense of the United States; 
and officers and men so clothed, armed, and equipped, shall march to the 
place appointed, and within the time agreed on, by the United States in 
Congress assembled ; but if the United States in Congress assembled shall, 
on consideration of circumstances, judge proper that any State should not 
raise men, or should raise a smaller number than its quota, and that any 
other State should raise a greater number of men than its quota thereof. 



Articles of Confederation. 



such extra number shall be raised, officered, clothed, armed, and equipped, 
in the same manner as the quota of such State ; unless the legislature of 
such State shall judge that such extra number cannot be safely spared out 
of the same; in which case they shall raise, officer, clothe, arm, and equip, 
as many of such extra number as they judge can be safely spared; and 
the officers and men so clothed, armed, and equipped, shall march to the 
place appointed, and within the time agreed on, by the United States in 
Congress assembled. 

The United States in Congress assembled shall never engage in a war; 
nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in the time of peace ; nor enter 
into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money; nor regulate the value 
thereof, nor ascertain the sums and expenses necessary for the defence and 
welfare of the United States, or any of them ; nor emit bills; nor borrow 
money on the credit of the United States ; nor appropriate money ; nor 
agree upon the number of vessels of war to be built or purchased, or the 
number of land or sea forces to he raised ; nor appoint a Commander-in- 
Chief of the army or navy ; unless nine States assent to the same ; nor 
shall a question on any other point, except for adjourning from day to day, 
be determined, unless by the votes of a majority of the United States in 
Congress assembled. 

The Congress of the United States shall have power to adjourn to any 
time within the year, and to any place within the United States, so that 
no period of adjournment be for a longer duration than the space of six 
months ; and shall publish the journal of their proceedings monthly, ex- 
cept such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances, or military opera- 
tions, as in their judgment require secrecy, and the yeas and nays of the 
delegates of each State, on any question, shall be entered on the journal, 
when it is desired by any delegate; and the delegates of a State, or any 
of them, at his or their request, shall be furnished with a transcript of the 
said journal, except such parts as are above excepted, to lay before the 
legislatures of the several States. 

ARTICLE X. 

The Committee of the Slates, or any nine of them, shall be authorized 
to execute, in the recess of Congress, such of the powers of Congress as 
the United States in Congress assembled, by the consent of nine States, 
shall, from time to time, think expedient to vest them with ; provided, 
that no power be delegated to the said Committee, for the exercise of 
which, by the articles^of Confederation, the voice of nine States in the 
Congress of the United States assembled is requisite. 

ARTICLE XL 

Canada, acceding to this Confederation, and joining in the measures of 
the United States, shall be admitted into, and entitled to all the advan- 
tages of, this Union. But no other Colony shall be admitted into the same, 
unless such admission be agreed to by nine States. 



10 Part III.— Appendices. 



ARTICLE XII. 

All bills of credit emitted, money borrowed, and debts contracted, by 
or under the authority of Congress, before the assembling of the United 
States, in pursuance of the present Confederation, shall be deemed and 
considered as a charge against the United States, for payment and satisfac- 
tion whereof, the said United States, and the public faith, are hereby 
solemnly pledged. 

ARTICLE XIII. 

Every State shall abide by the determinations of the United States in 
Congress assembled, on all questions which, by this Confederation, are 
submitted to them. And the Articles of this Confederation shall be in- 
violably observed by every Stale ; and the Union shall be perpetual. Nor 
shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any of them, unless 
such alteration be agreed to in a Congress of the United States, and be 
afterwards confirmed by the legislatures of every State. 

And whereas, it hath pleased the great Governor of the World to in- 
cline the hearts of the legislatures we respectively represent in Congress to 
approve of, and to authorize us to ratify, the said Articles of Confede- 
raiion and Perpetual Union : 

Know Ye, That we the undersigned delegates, by virture of the power 
and authority to us given for the purpose, do, by these presents, in the 
name, and in behalf, of our respective constituents, fully and entirely 
ratify and confirm each and every of the said Articles of Confederation 
and Perpetual Union, and all and singular the matters and things therein 
contained. And we do further solemnly plight and engage the faith of 
our respective constituents, that tney shall abide by the determinations of 
the United States in Congress assembled, on all questions, which, by the 
said Confederation, are submitted to them; and that the articles thereof 
shall be unviolably observed by the States we respectively represent ; and 
that the Union shall be perpetual. 

In witness whereof, we have hereunto set our hands in Congress. 
Done at Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, the ninth day of July, 

in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight, 

and in the third year of the Independence of America. 



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